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    When there is freedom there will be no State.

    For the state to wither away completely, complete communism is necessary. No, we want the socialist revolution with human nature as it is now, with human nature that cannot dispense with subordination, control and "managers. The united workers themselves We do not expect the advent of a system of society in which the principle of subordination of the minority to the majority will not be observed. In striving for socialism, however, we are convinced that it will develop into communism and, therefore, that the need for violence against people in general, for the subordination of one man to another, and of one section of the population to another, will vanish altogether since people will become accustomed to observing the elementary conditions of social life without violence and without subordination.

    While the State exists, there can be no freedom. Freedom in capitalist society always remains about the same as it was in the ancient Greek republics: Democracy for an insignificant minority, democracy for the rich — that is the democracy of capitalist society.

    If we look more closely into the machinery of capitalist democracy, we see everywhere, in the "petty" — supposedly petty — details of the suffrage residential qualifications, exclusion of women, etc.

    These restrictions, exceptions, exclusions, obstacles for the poor seem slight, especially in the eyes of one who has never known want himself and has never been in close contact with the oppressed classes in their mass life and nine out of 10, if not 99 out ofbourgeois publicists and politicians come under this category ; but in their sum total these restrictions exclude and squeeze out the poor from politics, from active participation in democracy.

    When we say "the state," the state is We, it is we, it is the proletariat, it is the advanced guard of the working class. We stand for an alliance with all countries without exception. For any truth, if overdone as Dietzgen Senior put itif exaggerated, or if carried beyond the limits of its applicability, can be reduced to absurdity. Communism is Soviet government plus the electrification of the whole country.

    Otherwise the country will remain a country of small peasant economy, and it is up to us to realize this quite clearly. What we prize most is peace and an opportunity to devote all our efforts to restoring our economy. When we are victorious on a world scale I think we shall use gold for the purpose of building public lavatories in the streets of some of the largest cities of the world.

    We must pursue the removal of church property by any means necessary in order to secure for ourselves a fund of several hundred million gold rubles do not forget the immense wealth of some monasteries and lauras.

    Without this fund any government work in general, any economic build-up in particular, and any upholding of soviet principles in Genoa especially is completely unthinkable. In order to get our hands on this fund of several hundred million gold rubles and perhaps even several hundred billionwe must do whatever is necessary. But to do this successfully is possible only now.

    All considerations indicate that later on we will fail to do this, for no other time, besides that of desperate famine, will give us such a mood among the general mass of peasants that would ensure us the sympathy of this group, or, at least, would ensure us the neutralization of this group in the sense that victory in the struggle for the removal of church property unquestionably and completely will be on our side.

    One clever writer on statecraft correctly said that if it is necessary for the realization of a well-known political goal to perform a series of brutal actions then it is necessary to do them in the most energetic manner and in the shortest time, because masses of people will not tolerate the protracted use of brutality. In addition, it will be more difficult for the major part of our foreign adversaries among the Russian emigres abroad, i.

    Therefore, I come to the indisputable conclusion that we must precisely now smash the Black Hundreds clergy most decisively and ruthlessly and put down all resistance with such brutality that they will not forget it for several decades.

    It is precisely now and only now, when in the starving regions people are eating human flesh, and hundreds if not thousands of corpses are littering the roads, that we can and therefore must carry out the confiscation of church valuables. The greater the number of representatives of the reactionary clergy and reactionary bourgeoisie we succeed in executing for this reason, the better. As translated in The Unknown Lenin: From the Secret Archive edited by Richard Pipes, pp.

    Letter to Comrade Molotov for the Politburo 19 March Speech 27 May I absolutely do not pretend in the slightest fashion to knowledge of military science. As quoted in Stalin: A Biography by Robert Service, p. One cannot live in society and be free from society.

    To picture world history as advancing smoothly and steadily without sometimes taking gigantic strides backward is undialectical, unscientific and theoretically wrong.

    The natural scientist must be a modern materialist, a conscious adherent of the materialism represented by Marx, i. To be successful, insurrection must rely not upon conspiracy and not upon a party, but upon the advanced class. Only by abolishing private property in land and building cheap and hygienic dwellings can the housing problem be solved.

    The state does not function as we desired. The car does not obey. A man is at the wheel and he seems to lead it, but the car does not drive in the desired direction. It moves as another force wishes. Human reason has discovered many amazing things in nature and will discover still more, and will thereby increase its power over nature. The world is eternally moving and developing matter, reflected by the developing of human consciousness. We have the following of the majority of a class, the vanguard of the revolution, the vanguard of the people, which is capable of carrying the masses with it.

    To change these conditions, a revolutionary struggle against the whole existing social and political system is necessary; the industrial crisis will convince very many workers of the justice of this statement. It is not for nothing that Skaldin in one part of his book quotes Adam Smith: It is difficult indeed for those who have lost their belief, or who have never believed, that this is possible, to find some outlet for their indignation and revolutionary energy other than terror.

    It glaringly reveals a lack of real ideas and principles as weapons of struggle. Present-day society is wholly based on the exploitation of the vast masses of the working class by a tiny minority of the population, the class of the landowners and that of the capitalists.

    Discrimination among citizens on account of their religious convictions is wholly intolerable. We would be deceiving both ourselves and the people if we concealed from the masses the necessity of a desperate, bloody war of extermination, as the immediate task of the coming revolutionary action.

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    The proletariat should not ignore peaceful methods of struggle — they serve its ordinary, day-to-day interests, they are necessary in periods of preparation for revolution — but it must never forget that in certain conditions the class struggle assumes the form of armed conflict and civil war; there are times when the interests of the proletariat call for ruthless extermination of its enemies in open armed clashes.

    This was first demonstrated by the French proletariat in the Commune and brilliantly confirmed by the Russian proletariat in the December uprising. It is logical to assert that all matter possesses a property which is essentially akin to sensation, the property of reflection. Modern militarism is the result of capitalism. Down with all colonial policy, down with the whole policy of intervention and capitalist struggle for the conquest of foreign lands and foreign populations, for new privileges, new markets, control of the Straits, etc.!

    The worker is becoming impoverished absolutely, i. Shame on America for the plight of the Negroes! Complete equality of rights for all nations; the right of nations to self-determination; the unity of the workers of all nations — such is the national programme that Marxism, the experience of the whole world, and the experience of Russia, teach the workers.

    Pacifism, the preaching of peace in the abstract, is one of the means of duping the working class. A United States of Europe is possible as an agreement between the European capitalists … but to what end? Only for the purpose of jointly suppressing socialism in Europe Collected Works, Vol. To picture world history as advancing smoothly and steadily without sometimes taking gigantic strides backward is undialectical, unscientific and theoretically wrong Collected Works, Vol. The entire trend of development is towards abolition of coercive domination of one part of society over another.

    To become a power the class-conscious workers must win the majority to their side. As long as no violence is used against the people there is no other road to power.

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    We are not Blancists, we do not stand for the seizure of power by a minority. The passing of state power from one class to another is the first, the principal, the basic sign of a revolution, both in the strictly scientific and in the practical political meaning of that term. Our aim is to achieve a socialist system of society, which, by eliminating the division of mankind into classes, by eliminating all exploitation of man by man and nation by nation, will inevitably eliminate the very possibility of war.

    To decide once every few years which members of the ruling class is to repress and crush the people through parliament — this is the real essence of bourgeois parliamentarism, not only in parliamentary- constitutional monarchies, but also in the most democratic republics. That is the first point. Insurrection must rely upon a revolutionary upsurge of the people.

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    That is the second point. Insurrection must rely upon that turning-point in the history of the growing revolution when the activity of the advanced ranks of the people is at its height, and when the vacillations in the ranks of the enemy and in the ranks of the weak, half-hearted and irresolute friends of the revolution are strongest.

    That is the third point. And these three conditions for raising the question of insurrection distinguish Marxism from Blanquism.

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    We love our language and our country, and we are doing our very utmost to raise her toiling masses i. We have invited and continue to invite the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries to share power with us. The bourgeois court, which claimed to maintain order, but which, as a matter of fact, was a blind, subtle instrument for the ruthless suppression of the exploited, and an instrument for protecting the interests of the moneybags.

    History is moving in zig-zags and by roundabout ways. The bourgeoisie are today evading taxation by bribery and through their connections; we must close all loopholes. The capture of Simbirsk, my home town, is a wonderful tonic, the best treatment for my wounds.

    I feel a new lease of life and energy. No revolution is worth anything unless it can defend itself. America has become one of the foremost countries in regard to the depth of the abyss which lies between the handful of arrogant multimillionaires who wallow in filth and luxury, and the millions of working people who constantly live on the verge of pauperism.

    The status of women up to now has been compared to that of a slave; women have been tied to the home, and only socialism can save them from this. They will only be completely emancipated when we change from small-scale individual farming to collective farming and collective working of the land. Communism cannot be imposed by force. The practical activity of man had to lead his consciousness to the reptetition of various logical figures thousands of millions of times in order that these figures could obtain the significance of axioms.

    Shame on accursed tsarism which tortured and persecuted the Jews. Shame on those who foment hatred towards the Jews, who foment hatred towards other nations. The truth about Kolchak and his double, Denikin has now been revealed in full.

    The shooting of tens of thousands of workers. The shooting even of Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries. The flogging of peasants of entire districts.

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